The more I know about Palestine the more I think that most Palestinian leadership (in the PA and the PLO) are characterised by being self-interest driven and quite short-sighted when it comes to analysing reality and understanding the whole picture.
Indeed, this is the “leadership” Israel allows the Palestinians to have; one that is docile and can be easily manipulated. Others who have been recognised as leaders by their own people (not by the Occupier) have been killed or are being held in Israeli jails or even PA jails. That’s the nature of the Occupation by Israel and the full collaboration of the PA in security issues, a double occupation that falls into the shoulders of each and one Palestinian living in the occupied Palestinian territory.
Talking about the right to mobility, Amira Hass says in her article in Haaretz today that
The signs were there right from the start − signs that the so much talked-about Peace Process was a process of subjugation; signs that Israel intended to impose on the other side an agreement whose terms were far from the Palestinian minimum, and far from what many countries in the world envisioned as a two-state solution.
Hass analyses Israeli prohibitions on Palestinian mobility and shows that despite many still think that they were imposed in 1994 as a response to the so-called suicide attacks from 1994 on, they actually started well before that date.
In fact, systematic prohibitions on Palestinian mobility started in January 1991, on the eve of the Gulf War, when Israel revoked an order from the 1970s that allowed the Palestinian residents of the occupied territory to enter Israel, and move freely within its borders and between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. At the begining the measure was intended temporary, but it soon became permanent following a pattern that has become a constant in the oPt.
If up until 1991 Israel had respected (for reasons of its own) the right to freedom of movement for all Palestinians, but withheld it from a few people, after 1991 the situation was reversed: Israel denied all Palestinians (those in the West Bank as well) the right to freedom of movement, aside from a few groups and numbers that it determined.
One might think that changed with the creation of the PA. But in 1994, the signing of the Oslo Accords didn’t change much
The expectation that signing the transfer of powers from the Civil Administration to the Palestinian Authority in May 1994 would restore freedom of movement was soon dashed. (···)
Areas A, B and C were established in the Oslo Accords as purely temporary categories, to mark the gradual nature by which the military forces would leave the Palestinians’ territory. Fourteen years later, Area C − the last area the military was supposed to vacate (in 1999) − still covers about 62 percent of the West Bank, and is the expansion space reserved for the outposts, settlements, industrial zones and multilane highways.
Area C is still today under full Israeli administrative and security control.
Through her article, Hass shows that Israel’s denial of the right of movement of Palestinians, which is a universal human right, does undermine the basic condition for a Palestinian state in East Jerusalem, Gaza and the West Bank, all of which are under Israeli military occupation since 1967. Indeed, that is the precise reason why these restrictions are maintained still today.