Strambotic, 28/07/2014
Desde que el estado de Israel fue proclamado en 1948, la nación judía ha ido mermando el territorio de Palestina, hasta confinar a sus 4 millones de habitantes en dos regiones aisladas entre sí: Cisjordania y la franja de Gaza, que suman 6.200 kilómetros cuadrados, el equivalente a la provincia de Tarragona (813.000 habitantes). El resultante es uno de los territorios de más alta densidad del planeta.
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Egypt’s Election Commission has just announced Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohamed Morsi winner of the second round of the Egyptian presidential elections.
The results have followed weeks of protests and accusations of corruption not only from the two parties but from the rest of the political groups in the contest.
According to the Electoral Commission the Muslim Brotherhood candidate has received 13.2 million votes (51%) while Ahmed Shafiq, the final prime minister under Hosni Mubarak and the candidate of the army, received 12.3 million.
Where did the secular protests in Tahrir square go? Evan Hill from Al Jazeera points:
Faced with the prospect of being ruled by an all-powerful military fronted by a president with deep ties to the ousted regime of Hosni Mubarak, Egypt’s secular pro-revolution political forces have struck a tenuous alliance with the Muslim Brotherhood in one final push to wrest back the momentum of the transition.
In a press conference on Friday to announce the pact, Brotherhood presidential candidate Mohammed Morsi said the new front of ideologically opposed parties “represents the unity of all political forces and affiliations in Egypt”.
Will Morsi’s victory be a simple change of persons or a change of regime? The future relations between the Egyptian army (the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces or SCAF) and the newly elected President are very unclear. As reported by Al Jazeera:
Shortly before the polls closed last week, the generals issued a decree sharply limiting the powers of the new president. It permitted him to declare war, for example, only with the approval of the military council.
SCAF will also keep control of legislative power, and the budget, until a new parliament is elected. Egyptians went to the polls in November to elect a legislature, which was dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party, but it was dissolved earlier this month after a high court ruling found parts of the electoral law unconstitutional.
(···) But it’s unclear whether the Brotherhood ultimately accepted those decisions in exchange for the presidency.
Either way, the military council – which has promised to hand over power to a civilian government on June 30, in a “grand ceremony” – will remain a powerful force in Egyptian politics, despite the election of a civilian president.
It is also unclear what steps will the new government take towards Israel, or the impact it will have in Palestine, especially in Hamas run Gaza. Egypt has promoted the reunification between Hamas and Fatah, in talks for more than a year on a widely acclaimed and seriously feared unity government in Palestine.
Whatever it happens, what is sure is that millions of people not only in the Middle East but around the world will be following the new steps of the Islamists in the most populated country of the region and the consequences it will have in the international arena.
Caterpillar has come under increasing criticism from human rights organizations in recent years for continuing to supply bulldozers to Israel, which uses them to demolish Palestinian civilian homes and destroy crops and agricultural land in the occupied territories, and to build illegal, Jewish-only settlements on Palestinian land.
After unsuccessful negotiations with Caterpillar, several organisations and churches called for selective divestment from the USA company.
Since 2010, We Divest has been urging TIAA-CREF to drop Caterpillar and other companies profiting from and facilitating Israel’s 45-year-old military occupation and colonization of the Palestinian West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip.
Today, we can celebrate a big step forward:
Pension fund giant TIAA-CREF has removed Caterpillar, Inc. from its Social Choice Funds portfolio. As of May 1, 2012, financial data posted on TIAA-CREF’s website valued Social Choice Funds shares in Caterpillar at $72,943,861. Today it is zero.
The members of We Divest Campaign will continue pressuring TIAA-CREF until there is full divestment from all companies in TIAA-CREF’s portfolio that profit from violations of Palestinian human rights. Some of them are CAT, Motorola Solutions and Hewlett-Packard, all of which still remain in TIAA-CREF’s Social Choice Funds. All of them are complicit in Israel’s occupation and violation of human rights and international law.
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As reported by the PSCC:
Picture by Oren Ziv/Activestills
Today, around noon, some 600 men and women gathered at the center of the small Palestinian village of Susya in the South Hebron Hills for a mass demonstration against Israel’s practices of ethnic cleansing. Earlier this week, demolition orders for approximately fifty dwelling structures were handed out, which add to numerous additional orders issued recently. In addition, the Civil Administration has announced the residents of Susya that it intends to implement six demolition orders issued in the 1990s and 2001. Since the establishment of the nearby Israeli settlement of Susya, the residents of Palestinian Susya were evicted from their lands four times. From past experience, such notices are only given when there is genuine intention to go through with demolitions. The demolition orders cover the most of Palestinian Susya, not only dwelling structures but also animal pens, water cisterns, the solar-powered electricity system.
Picture by Yotam Ronen/Activestills
Protesters from surrounding villages and towns, as well as hundreds of Israeli and international supporters, joined residents of the village and marched towards lands that were confiscated to build an “archeological site”. The march was violently blocked by military and police forces, which used tear-gas projectiles and shock grenades to disperse the crowd. One Israeli protester was hit in the head by a shock grenade and was evacuated to the hospital in Jerusalem. After some clashes, residents organized a mass Friday prayer in the fields, and made speeches. Protesters chanted and drummed for about two hours before the demonstration peacefully came to an end. No arrests were reported.
Picture by Yotam Ronen/Activestills
Background
The Palestinian village of Susya has existed for centuries, long before the modern Jewish settlement of Susya was built in 1983. In 1986 the Israeli authorities expropriated part of the village’s residential land in order to establish an “archeological site”. Several villagers from Susya were evicted from their land and homes. Immediately after the eviction, having no alternative, the villagers moved to nearby agricultural areas that they owned in an attempt to rehabilitate their lives. However, in 2001 several families from the village (the Nawaja’a, Halis, Sharitach, Abu Sabha, and other families) became the victims of a second eviction. This time it was exceptionally violent: tents, caves, and cisterns were destroyed and blocked. Agricultural fields were dug up and farm animals put to death.
At the same time, the settlers established their own outposts. In 2001 the “Dahlia Farm” was set up and in 2002 an outpost was put up in the “Susya Archeological Site” where the Palestinians had been evicted on the pretext that the land was intended for public use. On September 26, 2001 the Israeli Supreme Court ordered the structures torn down and the land returned to the villagers. Despite this, the army and settlers continued to attack the Palestinian villagers and prevent them from reclaiming the 3000 dunam (750 acres) around the Jewish Susya settlement.
Legal Background: The prevention of this reclamation was the subject of an appeal to the Supreme Court in 2010. The aim of the appeal was two-fold: to allow the villagers to reclaim their land and to stop the settlers from attacking the villagers. In October 2011 the military commander announced that large tracts of the appellants’ land were “off-limits to Israelis” hoping in this way to end the flagrant trespassing and the takeover of the land. A few months after this appeal was submitted, the settlers submitted a counter-appeal in return.
The upshot of the counter-appeal was a third eviction of the Nawaja’a family that had managed to return to its own land in 2001.
Today, at least 42 orders to halt work and 36 requests for building permits have been submitted. At least 19 cases are still in the courts. The settler’s plea was submitted against anyone who complied with the Supreme Court Decision on Susya and in revenge for the appeal. Evidence of this is that the plea was submitted automatically without examination, it was aimed at anyone who cooperated with the Palestinian appeal (land owners) even though only a few of them live in the village and/or have buildings in the village. In this appeal the appellants are trying to paint a false picture of symmetry between homes in the Palestinian village of Susya and the Jewish outposts. The transfer of a civilian population, the settlers, to the occupied territories runs counter to international law. The Palestinian villagers did not “take over” their land. This has been their private land for generations.
Settler Violence: Within the framework of the Susya appeal, 93 events were presented as cases of violence perpetrated by the settlers, some of them as masked vigilantes. Since then many more incidents have occurred. There is a basic failure by the authorities responsible for the planning in the region. This is especially obvious in Area C. The authorities are pursuing a policy whose goal is to transfer the Palestinian population to areas outside of Area C. This is apparent in the number of building permits, number of building demolition orders, and lack of planning for the protected population. At the same time, Jewish settlements and outposts are expanding, and more are on the way.
Building Permits in Area C: Since the 1970s there has been a drastic reduction in the number of building permits given to the Palestinians. In 1972, 97% of the 2134 requests submitted were approved. In 2005 only 6.9% were approved (13 out of the 189 requests submitted). The sharp reduction in permits parallels the dramatic decrease in the number of requests. In the same period 18,472 homes were built in the Jewish settlements. This trend has continues and has even intensified. In 2009 only 6 permits were granted to Palestinians; and 7 in 2010. The planning failure is also reflected in the lack of basic infrastructures for the Palestinian population, such as electricity, water, education, and health services. The settlers, on the other hand, are recipients of exemplary urban planning.
I tu, què vols ser de gran?
Fa molts anys deia: infermera!
Fa menys anys deia: cooperant!
Però ara ja ho tinc clar: vull ser una iaiaflauta!
Dedicat al Borja 🙂
Extret de Iaioflautas.org
27 octubre de 2011
#iaioflautas
Som de la generació que va lluitar i aconseguir una vida millor per als seus fills i filles. Ara estan posant el futur de les nostres filles i nétes en perill. Estem orgullosos de la resposta social i de l’empenta que estan mostrant les noves generacions en la lluita per una democràcia digna d’aquest nom i per la justícia social, contra els banquers i els polítics còmplices. Estem al seu costat, de sentiment, a les assemblees de barri i també a l’acció. Si volen desqualificar la seva valentia anomenant-los “perroflautas”, a nosaltres ens poden anomenar “iaioflautas”. Fem aquesta acció avui 27 octubre en el marc del dia d’acció contra els bancs.
L’oligarquia financera està sacrificant les nostres vides per garantir els seus beneficis. La irresponsabilitat de les institucions financeres l’estem pagant la ciutadania, que no parem de pagar rescats bancaris. Converteixen els seus forats en deute públic. A sobre especulen i fan benefici finançant-lo. Com si fos poca cosa, això és l’excusa per acabar amb la sanitat, l’ educació i tot el que queda de l’”Estat de Benestar” i privatitzar els serveis bàsics per fer benefici.
PROU ESPECULACIÓ. NO A LA SOCIALITZACIÓ DE LES PÈRDUES. RESCAT PER A LA CIUTADANIA I NO PER ALS BANCS. PROU RETALLADES! NO A LA PRIVATITZACIÓ! AQUEST DEUTE NO EL PAGUEM!
Els bancs van fer l’agost amb la bombolla immobiliària i ara estan expulsant milers i milers de persones desnonades al carrer.
NI UN DESNONAMENT MÉS. DACIÓ EN PAGAMENT RETROACTIVA JA! GARANTIA PEL DRET A L’HABITATGE. NO S’ENTÉN GENT SENSE CASES I CASES SENSE GENT!
Els bancs estan ofegant el petit i mitjà negoci i les treballadores autònomes, negant el crèdit i deixant sense oxígen l’economia productiva. Ens aboquen a la depressió econòmica, a l’atur massiu i a la fallida de les empreses petites i mitjanes. A sobre, és l’excusa per precaritzar encara més les condicions de les treballadores assalariades.
VOLEM UNA ECONOMIA AL SERVEI DE LES PERSONES!
Hem escollit el Banc Santander, perquè ha esdevingut un símbol de l’abús. Botín, el seu President, va dir a principis d’aquest any: “Somos claramente ganadores en la reciente crisis económica”, reconeixent que han tingut un benefici net de 35.000 milions d’euros els darrers 4 anys. No han parat d’augmentar els beneficis obtinguts en paradisos fiscals (248 milions de 8.8476 d’euros el 2008). Botín té una fortuna personal de 1.700 milions d’euros.
PROU FRAU FISCAL DELS RICS! PER UNA FISCALITAT JUSTA!
Serrat i Sabina. Sabina i Serrat. Canten a la pau, la llibertat i els drets humans però sembla que no creuen massa en les seves pròpies cançons. Decepcionant. Insultant.
Serrat. Després de parlar amb els companys de la campanya BDS (Boicot, Desinversions i Sancions a l’Estat d’Israel mentre no compleixi amb la legalitat internacional) accedeix a visitar els territoris palestins ocupats però un cop a terreny se’n desdiu. Dubta i acaba apostant per no apropar-se massa a nous horitzons per no trencar els propis esquemes. És més còmode no veure el que fa mal, el que fa remoure entranyes i pensaments profunds arrelats a base de creure’s paraules sense comprovar per un mateix què hi ha darrere d’elles.
Sabina. Posa excuses per no reunir-se amb els companys de la campanya BDS. Diu que està en contra de tots els fonamentalismes (com si la defensa dels drets humans ho fós). Ignorant perillós que no és conscient de la seva ignorància. Davant del seu públic (al seu entendre no fonamentalista) deixa anar paraules que són molt més que simples paraules. Són la complicitat amb la violació dels drets humans i del dret internacional. Quasi res.
Sort que de tant en tant hi ha periodistes que no tenen pèls a la llengua i diuen les coses tal com són. Gràcies Joan Cañete per escriure més clar que l’aigua.
Sabina y Serrat, durante la rueda de prensa de presentación del concierto en Jerusalén.
Corre dijo la tortuga, atrévete dijo el cobarde, estoy de vuelta, dijo un tipo que nunca fue a ninguna parte. Shalom, dijo Joaquín Sabina, Salam alaikum, dijo Joan Manuel Serrat, y ambos iniciaron así, con este manido saludo del que se moja hasta el gaznate por no querer mojarse, un concierto en Tel-Aviv que ha sido ampliamente criticado por parte de la sociedad civil catalana y española.
Libertad de expresión: todo el mundo es libre de cantar donde le plazca, faltaría más. Responsabilidad: todo el mundo es responsable de los actos que comete, faltaría más. Yo no quiero calor de invernadero, yo no quiero besar tu cicatriz, yo no quiero París con aguacero ni Samaria sin ti, jugueteó ayer Sabina con la letra de una de sus hermosas canciones. No quiero Samaria sin ti, en Tel-Aviv, significa no quiero Cisjordania sin israelíes, ya que Samaria y Judea es la forma con la que Israel se refiere al territorio ocupado en 1967 de Cisjordania. Esto ya no es ir a Israel a cantar por la paz, o a aprender lo que de verdad sucede allí, sin intermediarios, o a satisfacer a la amplia colonia de suramericanos, como han argumentado los dos pájaros ante las peticiones de que se unieran al boicot al Estado hebreo.
¿Que lo de Samaria sin ti fue un guiño a la audiencia que suelen hacer los cantantes allí donde van, como ponerse la camiseta del Barça en el Sant Jordi o decir Bona nit Barcelona? Puede ser. Pero si uno tiene derecho a cantar donde le plazca los demás tienen derecho a explicar lo que de verdad significan sus palabras. Y si en algún lugar las palabras van cargadas con plomo ese es Oriente Próximo. Samaria sin ti. Seré breve, en la web es muy fácil encontrar estadísticas de todo tipo: en la Cisjordania ocupada por Israel han muerto a manos de militares o colonos casi 2.000 palestinos (unos 360, de ellos, menores) desde el 2000 y su economía depende por entero de la ayuda exterior a causa de “la falta de acceso a la tierra y los recursos en las áreas controladas por Israel y las restricciones de importación y exportación” (la cita, por cierto, es de The World Factbook de la CIA, ese ente tan antiisraelí). Samaria sin ti significa apoyar la ocupación israelí de los territorios palestinos y sus consecuencias en vidas, en pobreza, en vulneración de derechos humanos, etcétera. Samaria sin ti significa apoyar la conculcación de la legalidad internacional basada en las resoluciones de la ONU y las fronteras del 67 y rechazar la solución de los dos Estados, inviable con una Samaria sin ti. Samaria sin ti es tomar parte por el Estado que oprime a millones de personas, como en realidad también lo es, digamos las cosas como son, dar un concierto en Tel-Aviv (Peter Gabriel no cantó Biko en Pretoria). Simplemente para que queden las cosas claras, entre tanto Shalom y tanto Salam alaikum.
Este Samaria sin ti tiene algunas consecuencias. La primera, retratar en su justa medida a los dos grandes artistas y ¿ex? iconos progresistas que ayer, dicen, cantaron por la paz en Tel-Aviv ante una audiencia compuesta exclusivamente por israelíes. La segunda, reforzar en Catalunya y España el movimiento Boicot, Desinversión y Sanciones (BDS) contra el Estado de Israel, responsable de la campaña internacional que busca que a Israel se le trate como a Suráfrica en su momento. Es cierto que el movimiento de boicot no logró evitar el concierto, pero también lo es que ha puesto sobre la mesa en España el tema del boicot en todos los ámbitos (cultural, deportivo, económico, social) al Estado hebreo que en otros países (sobre todo en Gran Bretaña y los nórdicos) ha logrado logros de impacto. El vídeo viral de los cooperantes en Palestina ha sido decisivo, así como el trabajo en las redes sociales de tantos y tantos activistas anónimos. Boicotéame, decía el intelectual israelí Ilan Pappe, y esta arma de lucha contra la ocupación israelí de los territorios ocupados palestinos sale reforzada en España de su encontronazo con los pájaros.
Sálvame, dijo el verdugo; sé que has sido tú, dijo el culpable. No me grites, dijo el sordo.
Carlo Strenger is an Israeli liberal that opposes Israel turning into a theocracy. He’s often engaged into talks with Israeli national-Religious Rabbi Uri Sherki. He says he does so because he understands there’s “desperate need for dialogue between Israel’s liberals and the national-religious.” He says “We have come to the point where we live in universes so different that it is becoming questionable how these groups can ever cooperate fruitfully for a common future.”
I post this into my blog so you can see what’s the level of paranoia of messianic Jews in Israel. While you read it, you should keep in mind that this is the discourse driving many Israelis (thankfully not all), especially those 500,000 living in settlements in West Bank, called by Israel ‘Judea and Samaria’ to avoid acknowledging the existence of Palestine. All settlements are illegal under international law.
Israel has long given national-religious leaders like Sherki and their followers a blank cheque. The level of radicalisation Israel is leaving today, not only with the Palestinians but among the Israelis themselves, has been carefully created by several governments that have done nothing but flirtate with their radical ideas and practices, in Israel and in the illegal settlements in the West Bank.
As a result, a polarised society that battles between secularism and an ethnically driven theocracy. One that is not that far away of the always criticised Iran, even if theocratic Israelis will always deny it. And a government complicit with the radicalism of Zionist ultra-orthodox Jews in order to maintain an occupation that the world looks at in silence.
Sherki is adamant that the West Bank is part of Israel on theological grounds, and he does not believe that the Palestinians living there should have political rights. He always insists that Jewish law has a solution for this: the category of Ger Toshav, a resident alien, makes sure, he says, that they will have full human rights, but no political rights.
(···) I have, time and again, told him that his long-term vision for the greater land of Israel is an elegant way of describing an apartheid system. His general reaction is that I am stereotyping him. If I tell him that the idea of an ethnic group that does not have political rights is pretty much the definition of apartheid, I generally receive no answer. This is particularly frightening because Rabbi Sherki is mild-mannered and cultivated; in addition to his Rabbinical training, he has a wide secular knowledge, so there is no way of attributing his position to ignorance or lack of culture.
Rabbi Sherki also has an utterly unrealistic view on Israel’s relation to the West: he argues that the West criticizes Israel because it does not take its role of being humanity’s moral beacon seriously. When I ask him what this means, he answers that Zionism has only fully come into its own after what he calls the liberation of Judea and Samaria; and that we need to stop apologizing for this, because the Jewish people will be able to fulfill its historic function: From Zion the teaching shall spread!
When I tell Rabbi Sherki that I happen to speak quite a bit to European politicians, diplomats, journalists and academics; that they in no way feel that Israel should have some special role in the world, but have a much more modest demand: that it adhere to international law, respect Palestinian rights and end the occupation, he tells me that I simply don’t understand the Christian unconscious. No facts will confuse his mind.
Sherki is by no means among the more extreme rabbis of the national-religious camp. And yet there are moments in which he expresses visceral hatred for Arabs, and a degree of disdain for secular Israelis that is breathtaking: a few months ago he said that women working in offices in secular Israel are required to dress like whores.
(···) Beyond the outrage and the disbelief, Sherki’s views profoundly worry me. He has a large followership; many attend his courses throughout the country, and he plays a leading role in one of Jerusalem’s major Yeshivas. Men like him raise a generation of students to believe that the Jewish people indeed has the right to trample the rights of others; who think that the rest of the world should simply bow to the precepts of the Torah as they see it. They are also deeply convinced that their interpretation of Judaism has a monopoly
(···) People like Rabbi Sherki must be taken deeply seriously: The national religious vision has decisively shaped Israel’s history. Their project of settling in the West Bank with the goal of annexing it to Israel has decisively shaped Israel’s history for more than forty years. Their unrelenting ideological and religious conviction that the Jewish people has an eternal right to the West Bank has made them utterly blind to the moral and political disaster that the occupation has become.
(···) since 1974 almost no Israeli politician has risked open conflict with the national religious movement that is doing everything to undermine this democracy. Yitzhak Rabin did so by initiating the Oslo process; he paid with his life for it – and polls have shown that more than sixty percent of national-religious Jews in Israel are in favor of pardoning Rabin’s murderer, Yigal Amir, whose brother was released from prison a month ago.
Now Israel’s democracy is facing possibly the greatest threat in its history: many leaders of the national-religious movement say explicitly that Israeli democracy is no longer necessary and that the country must become a theocracy. It is time for the majority of Israelis, secular or religious, who think otherwise to take action before it is too late.
Some days ago I blogged on the inclusion of the Nativity church of Bethlehem in the next UNESCO’s World Heritage List and I mentioned the move was more important that it could seem at first sight.
Well. It didn’t take Israel much time to put pressure on UNESCO to forget about this idea. As Maan reports:
A representative of the Palestinian Christian community warned on Wednesday that Israeli officials were working to prevent the inclusion of Bethlehem’s Nativity Church on UNESCO’s list of World Heritage sites.
(···)
Palestinian Authority officials nominated the site for inclusion on the World Heritage list earlier this year, after Palestine won full membership of UNESCO in October.
Dmitri Dilani, who is also a member of the Fatah revolutionary council, said Israeli officials have argued against Palestine’s submission on technical grounds.
An Israeli official told The Jerusalem Post that while Israel believes the church is worthy of inclusion on the list, it opposes the Palestinian Authority’s politicization of the process.
Politicization of the process? That’s why Israel is preventing UNESCO to include the site in its list? And obviously this is not politicization…
Anyway, we should congratulate the Israeli officials who said that. It’s probably the first time since 1948 they didn’t use the always useful anti-semitism argument to oppose anything that comes from Palestine.
Small steps will bring us forward.
The occupation of Palestine by Israel goes far beyond settlements, administrative detentions, home demolitions, laboratory planned economic stagnation and continuous attacks on civilians. It plays hard in each one of the scenarios of the Palestinian life. Also in the kitchen.
To Palestinians it is always shown hard, arrogant, aggressive, insulting, violent.
But sometimes it is shown with delicate subtility to the rest of the world. Israel, born 1948, portrays itself as a country with both deep historical roots and high-tech modernity. It is not ashamed to make up lies to justify the reason for its existence. It appropriates all what is Palestinian to erase the identity of the people it is trying to eliminate since long before its creation.
In a series of ‘bringing the nice face of the Israel to the world’ media campaigns, Israel is showing its most fake ‘celebrating multiculturalism’ (while deporting African migrants and military occupying a whole country for 64 years) mask to the world. At the end of the day, food plays such a central role in the Palestinian life and identity that it could have never been left unattended.
Check the ‘Falafel Day‘ website and delight yourself with a series of manipulated pro-Israeli assertions. Here you have some:
Debate
Debates over the origin of falafel have sometimes devolved into political discussions about the relationship between Arabs and Israelis. In modern times, falafel has been considered a national dish of Egypt and of Israel … Falafel plays an iconic role in Israeli cuisine and throughout other countries.
Our goal
Falafel is a delicious dish with a rich history. We want this day to bring together countries around the world, particularly Israel with its neighbors. People should put aside politics when eating this dish and enjoy, after all that’s what life is about.
So to all my Palestinian friends, I hope you got the message:
And by the way, for those of you who think this is too exaggerated, please check the sibling ‘Hummus Day‘, which oh surprise surprise, it has been scheduled on May 15th, Nakba Day.
Marking the five years that have past since the start of the blockade of Gaza, The Guardian launches a 12-hour project to document life in Gaza, featuring families, fishermen and business people.
This month is the fifth anniversary of Hamas securing control of the Gaza Strip and Israel tightening its blockade. The Guardian will be reporting on and about Gaza for the next 12 hours, to dig beneath the headlines to find out what the impact of Hamas rule and economic and political isolation from Israel has had on Gaza’s 1.7m people. Through text, video, audio and pictures from our correspondents on the ground, we will be telling their stories and also carrying interviews, blogposts and commentary about Gaza.
[من فلسطين] 